Japanese comparatives are semantically conjuncts: a dynamic view

Abstract

This paper develops the differential-based semantics of comparatives, arguing that no generalized quantifier-type degree operator is involved in Japanese comparatives, and the yori than-clause introduces a degree variable, which is dynamically bound by the existential quantifier associated with a dif- ferential in the main clause. This approach accounts for the Japanese stacking comparative such as A is fat(ter) than B is fat than C is fat(ter) than D is fat than E is fat(ter) than D is fat, meaning [the difference between As fatness and Bs fatness] > [the difference between Cs fatness and Ds fatness] > [the difference between Es fatness and Fs fatness].